Sir
New York August 29 1790
That New Orleans, and the Spanish Posts on the Missisippi, will be
among the first attempts of the English, in case of a war with Spain, appears very
probable: and that a combined operation from Detroit, would be convenient to that end
cannot be doubted.
The Consequences, on the western Settlements, on the commerce with
the West Indies, and on the general Security and tranquility of the American
confederation, of having them in our rear, and on both our flanks, with their navy in
front, are very obvious.
The interest of the United States duely weighed, and their Duty
conscientiously considered, point out to them, in the case of Such a War, a neutrality,
as long as it may be practicable. The People of these States would not willingly Support
a War, and the present Government has not Strength to command, nor enough of the
general1 Confidence of the nation to
draw the men or money necessary, untill the Grounds, causes and Necessity of it Should
become generally2 known, and universally
approved. A pacific Character, in opposition to a warlike temper, a Spirit of Conquest,
or a disposition to military Enterprize, is of great importance to us to preserve in
Europe: and therefore We Should not engage even in defensive War, untill the Necessity
of it, Should become apparent, or at least until We have it in our Power to make it
manifest, in Europe as well as at home.
In order to preserve an honest Neutrality, or even the Reputation
411 of a disposition to it, the United States must
avoid as much as possible, every real Wrong, and even every Appearance of Injury to
either Party. To grant to Lord Dorchester in case he Should request it, permission to
march troops through the territory of the United States, from Detroit to the Missisippi,
would not only have an appearance offensive to the Spaniards, of partiality to the
English, but would be a real Injury to Spain. The Answer therefore to his Lordship
Should be a refusal, in terms clear and decided, but guarded and dignified, in a manner,
which no Power has more at command than the President of the United States.
If a measure So daring offensive and hostile, as the march of
Troops through our Territory to Attack a Friend, Should be hazarded by the English,
without leave, or especially after a refusal, it is not So easy to answer the Question,
what notice ought to be taken of it.
The Situation of our Country is not like that of most3 of the nations in Europe. They have generally
large numbers of Inhabitants in narrow territories: We have Small numbers Scattered over
vast regions. The Country through which the Brittons4 must pass from Detroit to the Missisippi, is, I
Suppose, so thinly inhabited, and at Such a distance from all the populous Settlements,
that it would be impossible for the President of the United States to collect Militia or
march troops Sufficient to resist the Enterprize. After the Step shall have been taken
there are but two Ways for Us to proceed one is War and the other negotiation. Spain
would probably remonstrate to the President of the United States but whether she should
or not, the President of the United States should remonstrate to the King of Great
Britain. It would not be expected I Suppose by our Friends or Ennemies that the United
States should declare War at once. Nations are not obliged to declare War for every
Injury or even Hostility. A tacit Acquiescence under Such an Outrage, would be
misinterpreted on all hands; by Spain as inimical to her and by Brittain,5 as the effect of Weakness, Disunion and
Pusillanimity. Negotiation then is the only other Alternative.
Negotiation in the present State of Things is attended with
peculiar difficulties. As the King of Great Britain, twice proposed to the United
States, an Exchange of Ministers, once through Mr Hartley and once through the Duke of
Dorsett, and when the United states agreed to the Proposition, flew from it: to Send a
Minister again to st James’s till that Court explicitly promises to send one to America
is an humiliation to which the United States ought never to Submit.6
412 A Remonstrance from Sovereign to sovereign cannot
be Sent, but by an Ambassador of some order or other: from Minister of State to Minister
of State, it must be transmitted in many other Ways: A Remonstrance in the form of a
Letter from the American Minister of State to the Duke of Leeds, or whoever may be
Secretary of State for foreign affairs, might be transmitted, through an Envoy, Minister
Plenipotentiary, or Ambassador of the President of the United States, at Paris, Madrid
or the Hague and through the British Ambassador at either of these Courts. The Utmost
length, that can be now gone, with Dignity would be to send a Minister to the Court of
London, with Instructions7 to present his
Credentials, demand an Audience, make his Remonstrance, but to make no Establishment and
demand his audience of leave and quit the Kingdom in one, two or three Months if a
Minister of equal degree were not appointed and actually sent to the President of the
United States, from the King of Great Britain.
It is a Misfortune that in these critical moments and
Circumstances, the United States have not a Minister of large Veiws, mature Age
Information and Judgment, and Strict Integrity at the Courts of France Spain London and
the Hague.8 Early and authentick
Intelligence from those Courts may be of more importance than the Expence: but as the
Representatives of the People, as well as of the Legislatures, are of a different
opinion they have made a very Scanty Provision for but a part of Such a system. As it
is, God knows where the Men are to be found who are qualified for Such Missions and
would undertake them. By an Experience of ten Years which made me too unhappy9 at the time to be ever forgotten, I know, that
every Artifice which can deceive, every temptation which can operate on hope or fear,
Ambition or Avarice, Pride or Vanity, the Love of Society Pleasure or Amusement will be
employed to divert and warp them from the true line of their Duty and the impartial
honour and interest of their Country.
To the Superiour Lights and Information derived from office; the
more Serene10 temper and profound
Judgment of the President of the United States, these crude and hasty thoughts11 concerning the Points proposed, are
humbly Submitted, with every sentiment of respect and / Sincere attachment, by his most
obedient / and most humble servant
John Adams12
RC (DLC:Washington Papers); internal address: “The President of / the United
States.”; endorsed: “From / The Vice-President / 29th.
Augt. 1790.” Dft (Adams Papers). FC (Adams Papers).
413
1.
In the Dft, JA wrote “unanimous.”
2.
In the Dft, JA wrote “publick and
notorious.”
3.
In the Dft, JA wrote “any.”
4.
In the Dft, JA wrote “English.”
5.
In the Dft, JA wrote “England.”
6.
For David Hartley’s and the Duke of Dorset’s proposals for the
exchange of ministers, see vol. 17:19–20.
7.
In the Dft, JA added here, “not to
present his Credentials nor ask an Audience untill a Minister of equal Degree should
be appointed at st James’s to come to the United States, and with further Instructions
to quit the Kingdom, without communicating his Credentials, to the King if a Counter
Minister were not appointed within one Month.”
8.
Of the cabinet members who replied to Washington with advice on
the Nootka Sound conflict, only JA and John Jay used the opportunity to
advocate for sustaining and deepening the American diplomatic presence in Europe. On
22 Dec. 1791 Washington nominated Gouverneur Morris to serve as U.S. minister to
France and William Short as minister to the Netherlands. Senators debated the merits
and expenses of maintaining resident diplomats before confirming both appointments in
mid-Jan. 1792. Morris served until 1794; Short was reassigned to Spain, where he was
the U.S. minister from 1794 to 1796 (U.S. Senate, Exec.
Jour.
, 2d Cong., 1st sess., p. 92, 93, 96, 98; 3d Cong., 1st sess., p.
157; 4th Cong., 1st. sess., p. 269).
9.
In the Dft, JA wrote “miserable.”
10.
In the Dft, JA wrote “calm” but then
canceled it and interlined “Serene.”
11.
In the Dft, JA added “which contain the
best opines he can form.”
12.
Following the advice of JA and others, the
president’s decision to wait out the negotiations at Madrid proved fruitful, and
French nullity proved fortunate. By late October the British and Spanish negotiators
had hammered out the first of three Nootka Sound conventions, formed between 1790 and
1794, that opened the territory to both nations for trade. Widely hailed as a British
diplomatic win, the Nootka Sound conflict demonstrated the Triple Alliance’s military
power and, more critically, eroded the longstanding belief that land claims must be
supported by settlement (Black, British Foreign Policy
, p. 233–256).